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On the exact day Donald Trump received a custom-made "peace prize" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration released an equally flamboyant security policy document. This fairly brief paper is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the typically humble assertion that the president has rescued "our nation – and the world – back from the edge of catastrophe and disaster."

Even though the document mostly formalizes the current policies and statements of Trump and his cabinet, it must be heeded as a grave caution for the international community, and for Europe in particular.

A Blueprint of Interference and Cultural Anxiety

The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US clearly sets the goal of "promoting European strength." Its rhetoric seems lifted straight from addresses by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the much-discussed refugee crisis of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to regain its cultural self-assurance." More ominously, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is overshadowed by the real and more stark possibility of cultural extinction."

The entire section dedicated to Europe is steeped in decades of European far-right dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "changing the continent and causing strife, censorship of free expression and stifling of dissent, plummeting birthrates, and loss of sovereign identity and self-confidence." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have economies and armed forces powerful enough to be reliable allies." In fact, the Trump administration asserts that "within a few decades at the latest, some NATO members will become majority non-European."

"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for authentic democracy, freedom of expression, and proud commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and past."

Core Theories of the Far Right

These points carry powerful echoes of two concepts regarded as foundational for contemporary right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose thesis on the cyclical decline of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, alleging European elites of using immigration to substitute rebellious "indigenous" populations and import a more submissive and reliant electorate.

It is the nativist fever dream contained in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the right, if not the obligation, to interfere in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it sees its allies: "The United States urges its ideological partners in Europe to promote this resurgence of spirit, and the increasing influence of nationalist European parties indeed gives cause for significant hope."

The Goal: "Restore European Greatness"

In other words, the US believes that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the sole political force that can achieve this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "building up the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their former greatness" – such as Hungary and Italy.

While the document remains unclear on methods, it is apparent that a priority is to push Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding right-wing speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not regard Russia as an adversary either.

A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a broader sense, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "assert and enforce a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.

None of this is necessarily new – consider JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an official document, European leaders will finally understand that the situation is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in plain and succinct terms: the current US government believes that its national security is best served by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not only an reluctant ally; it is a deliberate adversary. Now is time to act accordingly.